Treat Thy Neighbor as Thyself? Equal Protection and the Scope of RLUIPA’s Equal Terms Clause

Introduction

Can municipalities use the zoning power to prevent racial or religious minorities from moving in? Not expressly. In 1917, almost a decade before the dawn of modern “Euclidean” zoning1—and several decades before Brown v. Board of Education abolished “separate but equal”2—the Supreme Court decided that racially segregated zoning, then common,3 was unconstitutional.4 But municipalities have other ways to exclude minorities via the zoning power.5

When residents of a municipality want to exclude a religious group from moving in, the local zoning authority can prevent the religious group from building, operating, or expanding a house of worship or religious school.6 At zoning hearings, objectors to a proposed house of worship or religious school usually invoke neutral concerns like parking, traffic, or revenue, but these concerns can and often do veil discriminatory or mixed motives.7 Minority groups, like Orthodox Jews,8 Muslims,9 Hindus,10 Buddhists,11 Sikhs,12 and racial minorities,13 are disproportionately subjected to zoning disapproval.14

In 2000, after considering extensive evidence15 of zoning laws that abridged the First Amendment right to assemble for religious purposes, Congress unanimously passed16 the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA).17 RLUIPA’s equal terms clause, emulating the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause,18 provides that “[n]o government shall impose or implement a land use regulation in a manner that treats a religious assembly or institution on less than equal terms with a nonreligious assembly or institution.”19

Like the Equal Protection Clause, the equal terms clause prohibits disparate treatment, unless that disparate treatment is fairly justified by a nondiscriminatory governmental interest.20 Thus, if a municipality permits the operation of a ten-member book club, the equal terms clause compels that municipality to permit a ten-member bible study, since those comparators are similarly situated with respect to any relevant, nondiscriminatory governmental interests.21 However, the clause would not compel that municipality to permit a megachurch with one thousand members, since a megachurch is distinguishable from a small book club with regard to nondiscriminatory zoning criteria like traffic and parking.22 These are extreme examples; other scenarios do not have such clear answers. Can a municipality disparately exclude houses of worship in order to promote a nightlife culture,23 or in order to maximize tax revenue?24

This Note addresses the question of which governmental interests should fairly justify disparate treatment of religious land uses under RLUIPA’s equal terms clause. To answer this question, this Note compares the equal terms clause to the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause. Under Equal Protection, whether a governmental interest fairly justifies disparate treatment depends on the standard of review applied by the court.25 Available standards of review variously accept legitimate, important, or compelling governmental justifications.26 The scope of RLUIPA’s equal terms clause, too, depends on whether it will accept a legitimate governmental justification or whether it should demand an important or compelling one.

Part I of this Note discusses RLUIPA generally, including its historical context, and argues that the statute should be construed broadly. Parts II and III of this Note focus on RLUIPA’s equal terms clause. Part II critiques the construction of the clause prevalent among the circuit courts of appeals. Part III proposes that the equal terms clause should be construed in accordance with the “intermediate scrutiny” standard of review applied in Equal Protection jurisprudence.

I. Background: RLUIPA

Though this Note will later focus on the construction of RLUIPA’s equal terms clause, this Part concerns the policy and intent behind RLUIPA as a whole. Examining RLUIPA’s historical context and text, this Part ultimately concludes that the statute should be understood as broadly as possible to comprehensively protect religious exercise within the statute’s areas of operation.27

A. The Road to RLUIPA

To understand RLUIPA and the policy behind it, this Section begins by describing the unique historical context in which the statute was adopted. One judge described this historical context as a “decade-long tug of war between Congress and the Supreme Court over the protection of religious liberty.”28 Throughout the 1990s, Congress zealously tugged to establish broader protections for religious liberty.29 RLUIPA’s historical context suggests that the statute should be given a broad interpretation to give effect to congressional purpose and policy.30

In 1963, the Supreme Court in Sherbert v. Verner held that laws that burden the First Amendment right to free exercise of religion are valid only if justified by a “compelling” state interest.31 The Sherbert rule remained good law through the late 1980s.32 But in Employment Division v. Smith, decided in 1990, the Supreme Court effectively overruled Sherbert,33 holding that a law may burden religious exercise so long as the law is facially neutral and generally applicable.34 Respondents in Smith were Native Americans who were fired from their jobs after ingesting peyote, an illegal hallucinogenic drug, for sacramental purposes at their Native American church.35 They were subsequently denied state unemployment benefits on the basis that they had been fired for work-related misconduct.36 Respondents alleged that this denial of benefits infringed on their First Amendment right to freely exercise their religion.37 The Court held that the denial of unemployment benefits did not violate the First Amendment right to free exercise because the burden on religious exercise was “not the object of the [law] but merely the incidental effect of a generally applicable and otherwise valid provision . . . .”38

Groups from across the political spectrum, including the American Civil Liberties Union, numerous religious groups, and many constitutional scholars, immediately criticized and opposed the Smith decision.39 In response, Congress, with uncharacteristically broad bipartisan support,40 passed the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA), which reinstated the Sherbert rule, applying strict scrutiny to any law that substantially burdens religious exercise.41 RFRA’s broad applicability and support signaled an impassioned and near-ubiquitous desire to protect religious liberty against the new vulnerability caused by Smith.42

The Supreme Court soon decided that RFRA was in fact too broad, sending Congress back to the drawing board. In imposing RFRA on state governments, Congress had relied on its Fourteenth Amendment power to make prophylactic laws enforcing constitutional rights.43 But in City of Boerne v. Flores,44 decided in 1997, the Supreme Court held that RFRA, as applied to state governments, was not a valid enforcement provision but rather an unconstitutional attempt to redefine the scope of a constitutional right.45 The Court explained that Fourteenth Amendment enforcement measures must be aimed at state laws that have a “significant likelihood of being unconstitutional.”46 Congress had failed to show that the broad range of state laws governed by RFRA was likely to be unconstitutional under the Smith standard.47 The Court contrasted RFRA with the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which was supported by a legislative record containing extensive evidence of discriminatory laws.48

Congress, still wanting to afford heightened protection to religious liberty, went back to the drawing board. Soon after Boerne was decided, the House and Senate Committees on the Judiciary held a series of nine hearings exploring new religious liberty measures.49 This time, they were careful to hear testimony describing specific state laws that infringed on religious liberty.50 Extensive evidence,51 statistical and anecdotal,52 suggested that land use regulations, highly discretionary in nature, were particularly likely to infringe on religious liberty,53 either deliberately or unintentionally.54

A new bill, the Religious Liberty Protection Act (RLPA), was introduced in Congress in 1998,55 and again in 1999.56 RLPA emulated RFRA, reinstating the Sherbert rule, except that RLPA’s Sherbert provision responded to Boerne by limiting its own applicability to federally funded programs and government actions that affected interstate commerce.57 Aside from its broad Sherbert provision, RLPA contained specific measures directed at land use regulation.58

Congress declined to pass RLPA’s broadly applicable Sherbert provision,59 but RLPA’s land use provisions ultimately became law one year later as part of RLUIPA,60 a religious liberty bill that focused exclusively on regulations governing land use and institutionalized persons.61 RLUIPA passed unanimously in both houses of Congress,62 and it was signed into law in September 2000.63 RLUIPA lacks the sweeping religious liberty protections of RFRA and RLPA;64 instead, RLUIPA shields religious exercise from what Congress understood to be two particularly prevalent harms: land use regulations and regulations of institutionalized persons.65 Though relatively narrow in scope, RLUIPA is underscored by the same congressional zeal for religious liberty that inspired RFRA and RLPA.66 This suggests that, within its areas of operation, RLUIPA should be construed to afford broad protection to religious liberty.

B. RLUIPA

RLUIPA’s operative clauses should be read in accordance with the statute’s codified “Rules of Construction,” which implore that all of its provisions “shall be construed in favor of a broad protection of religious exercise, to the maximum extent permitted by the terms of this chapter and the Constitution.”67

RLUIPA’s land use provision protects religious uses against a wide range of burdensome and discriminatory land use regulations. The provision includes four operative clauses: the substantial burdens clause, the equal terms clause, the nondiscrimination clause, and the exclusions and limits clause.68 The substantial burdens clause provides that a land use regulation may not impose a substantial burden on religious exercise unless the regulation constitutes the “least restrictive means” by which to further a compelling governmental interest.69 To ensure that the substantial burdens clause was constitutional under Smith,70 Congress limited the clause’s scope to laws that involve individualized assessments, govern federally funded programs, or affect interstate commerce.71 Invoking the Sherbert standard, the substantial burdens clause expressed Congress’s long-held judgment that facial neutrality, general applicability, and legitimate governmental interests are not adequate justifications for a statute that infringes on religious exercise, at least in the context of land use regulation.72

RLUIPA’s equal terms clause, reflecting the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment,73 provides that “[n]o government shall impose or implement a land use regulation in a manner that treats a religious assembly or institution on less than equal terms with a nonreligious assembly or institution.”74 Like the Equal Protection Clause, the equal terms clause protects against disparate treatment.

By using the words “impose or implement,” the equal terms clause makes available two types of claims: facial challenges and as-applied challenges.75 Facial challenges target the imposition of facially discriminatory zoning ordinances. A facially discriminatory ordinance might allow secular assemblies and institutions to operate as of right, while at the same time requiring religious uses to obtain a special use permit. Alternatively, a facially discriminatory ordinance might allow secular assemblies to operate on a condition—usually, approval of a special use permit—while at the same time unconditionally prohibiting religious uses.76 As-applied challenges, on the other hand, target facially neutral land use ordinances that are implemented unequally. For example, a zoning board might violate the equal terms clause by approving a special use permit application for a secular use and then rejecting a special use permit application for a substantially similar religious use.77

RLUIPA’s land use provision contains two additional operative clauses. The nondiscrimination clause prohibits land use regulations that discriminate against an assembly or institution on the basis of religion.78 The exclusions and limits clause prohibits land use schemes that totally exclude or unreasonably limit religious assemblies or institutions.79

By including four distinct protections against discriminatory and burdensome land use regulations, Congress evidently intended RLUIPA to operate as an expansive and comprehensive protection for religious land uses against undue regulation. This broad reading is especially appropriate in light of RLUIPA’s “Rules of Construction.”80

II. Analysis: Construing the Equal Terms Clause

Part I of this Note described RLUIPA and how it became law. Part I concluded that the RLUIPA’s text and historical context indicate that, on the whole, the statute should be construed in a way that broadly protects religious liberty (within RLUIPA’s areas of operation). The remainder of this Note focuses on construing RLUIPA’s equal terms clause—a task that has proved vexing for two decades.81

The key question of construction surrounding the equal terms clause is whether the clause should uphold seemingly discriminatory zoning laws that are in fact justified by some legitimate governmental interest, like traffic prevention or tax generation.82 On its face, the equal terms clause can plausibly be read as a bald restatement of the Equal Protection Clause, which does uphold such laws, so long as the underlying governmental interest is legitimate.83 This would be a narrow construction of RLUIPA, rendering the equal terms clause duplicative of Equal Protection. As this Note will show, the majority of the circuit courts of appeals have effectively endorsed this very narrow construction.84

However, some courts, including the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals, have construed the clause to invalidate regulations that Equal Protection would otherwise uphold.85 The Eleventh Circuit has read the equal terms clause to require that disparate treatment be justified by a compelling governmental interest.86 Judge Thapar of the Sixth Circuit87 and some scholars88 have gone so far as to argue that no governmental interest can justify disparate treatment under the equal terms clause.

This Part argues that Congress intended the equal terms clause to provide additional protection for religious uses, beyond what the Equal Protection Clause already provided them. Namely, Congress intended the equal terms clause to protect against discrimination that “lurks behind” legitimate zoning interests such as traffic, parking, and tax revenue generation.89 Accordingly, this Part argues that most circuit courts of appeals have inadequately construed the equal terms clause.

A. Equal Protection’s Guarantee Against Discriminatory Zoning

As this Note will demonstrate, the majority of the circuit courts of appeals have construed the equal terms clause to protect against zoning laws that disparately affect religious uses, unless this disparate treatment is justified by a legitimate governmental interest, like tax revenue generation or traffic reduction.90 These courts have overlooked the fact that the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment already provides that same guarantee to religious uses under City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center, decided in 1985.91 In Cleburne, the city’s zoning ordinance required a special use permit for the operation of group homes for the mentally handicapped, alcoholics, or drug addicts.92 At the same time, the ordinance permitted other care and group homes, like nursing homes and fraternity houses, to operate as of right.93 The Court invalidated the ordinance on the basis that the city had not presented any “legitimate” interest by which to justify the disparate treatment.94 Put differently, the ordinance was unconstitutional because it failed to provide “equal” treatment to entities that were “similarly situated”95 with respect to the legitimate interests promoted by the ordinance.96

Over the two decades that followed it, the Court’s holding in Cleburne was applied by several circuit courts in evaluating Equal Protection challenges to land use regulations that disparately affected a religious use.97 For example, in Cornerstone Bible Church v. City of Hastings,98 a church brought an Equal Protection challenge to an ordinance that prohibited churches in a commercial zone while permitting an Alcoholics Anonymous and a Masonic Lodge.99 The Eighth Circuit, citing Cleburne, found no legitimate interest by which to differentiate churches from those two permitted uses.100 The church was “similarly situated” to the permitted entities with respect to the legitimate interests ostensibly promoted by the ordinance.101 The Third and Ninth Circuits issued equivalent holdings in Congregation Kol Ami102 and Christian Gospel Church.103

Cornerstone Bible Church, Congregation Kol Ami, and Christian Gospel Church all understood Cleburne to mandate a two-step test.104 First, the courts considered whether the entities were “similarly situated” with respect to the relevant governmental objectives advanced by the zoning ordinance.105 If the entities were found to be “similarly situated,” then the court applied a rational basis standard of review, inquiring whether the disparate treatment was nonetheless justified by a legitimate governmental objective.106 This two-pronged test is redundant.107 If the government had a legitimate reason for differential treatment, then the entities could not have been similarly situated.108 At bottom, Cleburne and its progeny hold that the Equal Protection Clause protects religious (and other) land uses against disparate zoning treatment, unless the disparate treatment is justified by a legitimate governmental interest.

B. The Courts of Appeals’ Construction of the Equal Terms Clause

When tasked with construing RLUIPA’s equal terms clause, almost all of the circuit courts have simply reproduced the Cleburne Equal Protection standard without acknowledging that they are doing so. The First,109 Second,110 Third,111 Fifth,112 Sixth,113 Seventh,114 Ninth,115 and Tenth116 Circuits have all acknowledged that a religious plaintiff’s equal terms claim fails if the alleged disparate treatment was justified by a legitimate governmental (zoning) interest.

In contrast to Cleburne and its Equal Protection progeny, these equal terms decisions have deliberately employed a one-pronged test, asking only whether the regulation provides disparate treatment to religious and secular entities that are “similarly situated” to each other in relation to legitimate zoning criteria.117 If they are found to be “similarly situated,” then the regulation violates the equal terms clause.118 However, if the disparate treatment furthers a legitimate governmental interest, like tax revenue generation (bars, but not churches, generate tax revenue)119 or traffic prevention (churches cause unique traffic problems on Sundays),120 then the entities are not “similarly situated” and the regulation does not violate the equal terms clause.121

These equal terms decisions deliberately decline to apply the ostensible second prong of the Cleburne test, the “standard of review” that asks whether the disparate treatment of similarly situated uses is justified by a legitimate governmental interest.122 As has been explained, the two-pronged Cleburne test is in any case entirely redundant, so the one-pronged equal terms test produces the same results as the two-pronged Cleburne test. Under either test, the government prevails only by naming a legitimate zoning concern unique to the religious use.123 Some circuit courts have unwisely asserted that by omitting a “standard of review,” they are construing the equal terms clause broadly.124 The opposite is true. These courts have in fact construed the equal terms clause as duplicating Cleburne.125

One of the few circuit decisions to adopt a genuinely broad construction of the equal terms clause is Midrash Sephardi v. Town of Surfside, decided by an Eleventh Circuit panel in 2004.126 In Midrash, which was the first federal appellate decision to consider the scope of the equal terms clause, the panel facially invalidated a zoning ordinance that permitted private clubs but prohibited churches and synagogues.127 Instead of accepting a legitimate governmental interest by which to justify the disparate treatment, the panel demanded a compelling one.128

Midrash was eventually rejected by every other circuit that considered an equal terms claim.129 Its holding was criticized on several grounds. The Third Circuit, en banc, reasoned that, under Midrash, a municipality that allows operation of a ten-member book club must also permit operation of a large church with one thousand members.130 Several circuit courts pointed out that a compelling interest test has no basis in the text of the equal terms clause.131 The Seventh Circuit, en banc, characterized the Midrash holding as unfair favoritism toward religion, since it affords religious uses a special zoning privilege: the ability to operate wherever any one secular assembly operates, regardless of whether the secular assembly is comparable to the religious one.132 Writing for the court, Judge Posner argued that Midrash’s holding not only goes beyond the equal terms clause’s guarantee of “equal” treatment, but it also runs afoul of the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause.133 In Konikov v. Orange County, decided shortly after Midrash, the Eleventh Circuit retreated, limiting the Midrash holding to facial challenges134 and effectively holding that, in an as-applied challenge, disparate treatment can be justified by a legitimate governmental interest.135

Judges and scholars have described a “circuit split” regarding construction of the equal terms clause,136 but in reality, Midrash is an outlier.137 Though there is some variance among the other circuits’ exact formulations,138 they all permit disparate treatment to be justified by a legitimate governmental interest, like maximizing municipal tax revenue,139 or promoting nightlife culture.140 This construction provides religious uses no protection beyond what Cleburne already provided.

C. Issues with the Current Construction of the Equal Terms Clause

Scholars and dissenting circuit judges have criticized the current construction of the equal terms clause as too narrow.141 They are correct; a narrow interpretation violates RLUIPA’s text, intent, and purpose. First and foremost, RLUIPA’s text itself implores that all its provisions “shall be construed in favor of a broad protection of religious exercise, to the maximum extent permitted by the terms of this chapter and the Constitution.”142 Furthermore, the decade of congressional zeal for religious liberty that culminated in RLUIPA’s passage underscores the need to construe all its provisions broadly to protect religious exercise.143

A more nuanced criticism of the majority construction is that it provides no protection against mixed motives or seemingly legitimate government justifications that are in fact pretextual. RLUIPA’s legislative history repeatedly expresses a concern for discrimination that “lurks” behind legitimate zoning concerns like traffic, parking, safety, and tax revenue.144 The House Judiciary Committee report that preceded RLUIPA145 repeatedly acknowledged that zoning concerns like traffic,146 safety,147 parking,148 and tax revenue149 are often used as pretexts to mask discrimination.150 Senators Hatch and Kennedy, RLUIPA’s cosponsors, reiterated this concern when presenting the bill before the Senate.151

One particular entry in RLUIPA’s legislative history acutely demonstrates the error of the current construction of the equal terms clause. RLUIPA’s committee report described a survey of suburban Chicago zoning codes, which found that secular assemblies, like clubs, gyms, and theaters, were often permitted as of right in zones where houses of worship required a special use permit, or secular assemblies were permitted by special use permit where churches were wholly excluded.152 The report acknowledged that this disparate treatment might sometimes be at least partially motivated by an effort to maximize tax revenue, rather than by pure discriminatory animus.153 But apparently RLUIPA’s drafters did not believe that tax revenue priorities could justify disparate treatment—if they did, presumably they would have codified an explicit exception to the equal terms clause.154

In violation of this expressed congressional intent, the current construction of the equal terms clause does allow disparate treatment of religious uses to be justified by tax revenue concerns; the Seventh Circuit, en banc, ruled so in River of Life Kingdom Ministries v. Village of Hazel Crest.155 Ironically, the disparate treatment at issue in River of Life was the exact kind that RLUIPA’s congressional sponsors bemoaned, right down to the location in which it occurred: suburban Chicago.

In light of RLUIPA’s text, legislative history, and historical context, the equal terms clause should be construed in a way that does not allow disparate treatment of churches to be justified by merely “legitimate” interests like tax revenue generation and promotion of nightlife culture. Of course, the equal terms clause was not intended to exempt houses of worship entirely from reasonable zoning regulation.156 However, under the current construction, savvy municipalities will often be able to discriminate by identifying some legitimate zoning concern unique to a religious comparator and using it as a pretext.157 Such a narrow construction is problematic.

III. Proposal: Apply Intermediate Scrutiny

Thus far, this Note has argued that the equal terms clause should not be construed as a mere restatement of the Cleburne standard. This Note has concluded from RLUIPA’s historical context, text, and legislative history that the equal terms clause should be construed broadly, in a way that protects religious uses against mixed motives and pretextual justifications for disparate treatment. This Part proposes a novel way to construe the equal terms clause, one that gives full effect to congressional intent without producing absurd results. The equal terms clause should be construed to apply “intermediate scrutiny,” an Equal Protection standard of review reserved for “quasi-suspect” classifications.

A. Background: Equal Protection Standards of Review

Over the past half century, the Supreme Court has developed a tiered approach to Equal Protection, applying different standards of review to different types of discrimination (e.g., race, gender, class).158 As has been explained, the Equal Protection Clause prohibits disparate treatment, but only when the disparate treatment is not fairly justified by a sufficiently weighty governmental interest.159 Whether the Equal Protection Clause accepts a proposed governmental justification often depends on the standard of review applied, which in turn depends on which group, in the case at hand, has been subjected to disparate treatment.160 For example, when a law classifies on the basis of race, subjecting different races to disparate treatment, the Equal Protection Clause requires the law to be “narrowly tailored” to advancing a “compelling” governmental interest.161 This race standard has been termed “strict scrutiny.”162 When a law classifies on the basis of gender, subjecting different genders to disparate treatment, the Equal Protection Clause requires the law to be “substantially related” to an “important” governmental interest.163 The gender standard, which also applies to legitimacy, has been dubbed “intermediate” or “heightened” scrutiny.164

Other laws, such as those that classify based on disability,165 class,166 state residence,167 and citizenship,168 are upheld so long as they are justified by a “legitimate” governmental interest.169 Thus, in Cleburne, the Court found an Equal Protection violation because the city had failed to present any legitimate governmental interest that would justify the regulation at issue, which permitted group homes but not group homes for disabled people.170 The government claimed that the disparate treatment was justified by its interests in traffic safety, fire safety, and neighborhood serenity, but the Court rejected these claims, since the permitted group homes apparently had the same effect on these interests as did the excluded group home for the disabled.171 The uses were “similarly situated” in relation to the interests underlying the statute at issue; there was no legitimate interest by which they differed. Therefore, the disparate treatment was unjustified.172

B. RLUIPA’s Equal Terms and Equal Protection Standards of Review

Part II of this Note argued that RLUIPA’s equal terms clause should not be construed as a mere restatement of the Cleburne standard for land use discrimination, a standard that circuit courts had applied to religious uses even before RLUIPA’s passage.173 The congressional intent behind RLUIPA’s equal terms clause is highly suspicious of land use regulations that disparately affect religious uses.174 To give effect to this congressional suspicion, courts should treat land use regulations challenged under the equal terms clause as “quasi-suspect” and thus apply “intermediate scrutiny.” Accordingly, courts should require that the land use ordinance be substantially related to advancing an important governmental interest.

Applying “intermediate scrutiny” would give effect to RLUIPA’s underlying purpose of combatting pretextual justifications and mixed motives.175 By requiring substantial relation to an important governmental interest, courts will uphold disparate treatment only when discriminatory animus is unlikely to be a major factor in the zoning decision. Requiring a showing of an “important” governmental interest makes it harder for a municipality and its residents to fashion pretexts for opposing a religious use.176 And requiring that the zoning regulation be “substantially related” to that interest helps to detect ingenuine justifications, as courts will assess whether the proposed interest was in fact furthered by the disparate treatment.177

The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, in construing the equal terms clause, comes close to applying the “substantial relation” prong of the intermediate scrutiny test. In Centro Familiar Cristiano Buenas Nuevas v. City of Yuma, the Ninth Circuit panel held that the clause requires land use regulations to be “reasonably well adapted to ‘accepted zoning criteria.’”178 This standard evokes intermediate scrutiny’s mandate that classifications be “substantially related” to advancing a governmental interest.179

In Centro Familiar, the Ninth Circuit test correctly rejected a proposed justification that was likely ingenuine. The ordinance at issue allowed certain secular assemblies to operate as of right while forcing “religious organizations” to obtain a conditional use permit.180 The city claimed that its actions were justified because churches, unlike the permissible secular assemblies, would restrict the local availability of liquor licenses under state law. The city also claimed that religious organizations, unlike the permissible secular ones, would chill the vibrant character of the nightclub district and would thus constitute “blight.”181 While the court recognized that the liquor license concern “may justify” the exclusion of churches, the court held that the ordinance was overinclusive because it also applied to other religious uses, like religious lodges and agencies, that would not have affected liquor licenses under state law.182 The court also found that many uses permitted as of right, such as apartment buildings, post offices, and prisons, would have the same “blighting” effect as a church on a block of bars and nightclubs, so the statute was also underinclusive.183

While the result in Centro Familiar is encouraging, a full-fledged intermediate scrutiny standard is more administrable and will provide a more robust protection for religious uses, consistent with RLUIPA’s intent. An intermediate scrutiny standard is more administrable because courts can rely on precedent from Equal Protection cases. For example, gender discrimination cases consistently reject classifications that are based on stereotypes or harmful assumptions.184 Likewise, the equal terms clause, applying intermediate scrutiny, should not allow disparate treatment to be justified by harmful stereotypes. For example, the assumption that churches are not “vibrant and vital,”185 and could “blight” a trendy district,186 is a harmful and baseless stereotype.187

As has been explained at length, RLUIPA’s legislative history explicitly indicates that failure to generate tax revenue from a religious use should not be considered an adequate justification for disparate treatment.188 To give effect to congressional intent, under intermediate scrutiny, a court could find that the marginal tax revenue that would be forfeited if churches were permitted is too insubstantial to be “substantially related” to an “important” governmental interest. A court could also strike down the exclusionary ordinance as overinclusive and underinclusive by identifying permitted uses that were unlikely to generate substantial revenue and excluded religious uses that were likely to generate, indirectly, substantial municipal revenue.189

C. Intermediate Scrutiny and the Equal Terms “Similarly Situated” Requirement

Applying intermediate scrutiny would not constitute a total departure from existing equal terms jurisprudence, because intermediate scrutiny, like existing equal terms jurisprudence, applies a “similarly situated” requirement.190 In the gender discrimination context, the Supreme Court has acknowledged that there are some “basic biological differences” between men and women that may sometimes justify disparate treatment.191 Thus, the Supreme Court’s decision in Michael M. v. Superior Court upheld a statutory rape law that penalized men only, on the basis that men and women are not similarly situated with respect to the risks of sexual intercourse and unwanted pregnancy.192 The Court was careful to note that the disparate treatment was justified by the government’s (important) interest in effective enforcement, since females would not report crimes that they themselves could be prosecuted for.193 More recently, in Nguyen v. INS, decided in 2001, the Court held that men and women are not similarly situated with respect to proving biological parenthood.194

The Court’s decisions in Michael M. and Nguyen should reassure courts that application of intermediate scrutiny will not lead to absurd results like the hypothetical regarding a ten-person book club and a megachurch.195 In light of gender discrimination precedent, a megachurch’s massive size and impact on traffic is certainly a “basic difference” by which to distinguish it from a ten-member book club.196 Moreover, reducing traffic and ensuring sufficient public parking can be important interests.197

Notably, though intermediate scrutiny’s “similarly situated” requirement adequately recognizes fundamental differences, it is still easier for plaintiffs to satisfy than the exacting standard applied in equal terms decisions. Equal terms cases have used the “similarly situated” requirement as an excuse to defer to “legitimate” governmental interests, but this would be antithetical to the central tenet of “intermediate scrutiny”: that disparate treatment of a quasi-suspect class can only be justified by “important” interests. Under intermediate scrutiny, comparators are presumed to be “similarly situated” unless the defendant is able to show some fundamental difference between the comparators that fairly justifies the disparate treatment.198

When are differences fundamental? Some scholars have explained that, under intermediate scrutiny, comparators are similarly situated unless they differ with respect to an important governmental interest.199 Their rationale is that the similarly situated inquiry is not an element of an Equal Protection claim, or a “threshold” test; rather, it is simply a way of restating the Equal Protection Clause’s guarantee of equal treatment: likes must be treated alike.200 Since, under intermediate scrutiny, suspect classifications must be tied to an important governmental interest, it follows that classes are similarly situated unless they differ with respect to an important governmental interest.201 To this end, it is notable that the Court in United States v. Virginia discussed whether the policy at issue was justified by “important differences between men and women.”202

A more subtle difference exists regarding the scope of the similarly situated inquiry. Facial equal terms challenges must show that excluded religious uses, in aggregate, are similarly situated to a permitted secular use. By contrast, under intermediate scrutiny, a plaintiff can (sometimes) establish the “similarly situated” element by showing that some members of a disadvantaged class were similarly situated to some members of an advantaged class—even if the classes, in aggregate, were clearly not similarly situated.203 Thus, in United States v. Virginia, the Court did not require a showing that women, in aggregate, were similarly situated to men with respect to the single-sex military program at issue, but only that some women were willing to undertake the rigorous program.204

Even if courts are reluctant to apply a full-fledged intermediate scrutiny standard of review to equal terms claims, they can at least look to gender discrimination jurisprudence as a guide for how to employ an effective “similarly situated” requirement without having to inject the Cleburne “legitimate interest” standard.

Conclusion

This Note has argued that Congress intended RLUIPA’s equal terms clause to reach beyond the protections against land use discrimination offered by the Equal Protection Clause under Cleburne. Today, land use discrimination most often lurks behind pretextual justifications, and the equal terms clause was intended to reach beyond these pretexts. This Note proposed that the equal terms clause should be construed to apply intermediate scrutiny, expanding on the Cleburne standard to provide a more robust protection for religious uses.

A question left unresolved by this Note is whether Congress can legislatively designate certain classifications as “quasi-suspect” in the context of constitutional rights. Just before RLUIPA’s passage, City of Boerne v. Flores held that Congress had no right to define the scope of a constitutional right.205 This question is interesting but beyond the scope of this Note.

 


* Associate Editor, Cardozo Law Review, Volume 43. J.D. Candidate, May 2022, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law; B.A., Duke University, 2017. I would like to thank Professor Stewart Sterk for his guidance and constructive criticism. I would also like to thank the amazing editors of the Cardozo Law Review for their tireless work in preparing this Note for publication. Most importantly, I would like to thank my wife, parents, and extended family for their consistent and unconditional support.