INTRODUCTION
It has been fifty years since Congress enacted the Fair Housing Act (the Act).1 The law, the third in a trilogy of groundbreaking civil rights laws enacted in the 1960s,2 aimed to undo the shameful legacy of de jure and de facto race-based housing discrimination that excluded Blacks from white communities. Laws and policies that persisted for much of the twentieth century segregated neighborhoods and whole regions into Black and white districts, denied home-owning opportunities to African Americans, and relegated available affordable housing to low-income neighborhoods. The result was “two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal.”3 The Act was intended by its drafters to right that wrong by both ending racial discrimination and eradicating systemic segregation in housing.4
In the five decades since its ratification, the optimism of the Act’s drafters has yielded to the frustrations of lax enforcement, administrative neglect, federal budget cutbacks, the rise of exclusionary economic zoning measures, gentrification, and ever dwindling stocks of affordable and habitable housing for low-income individuals. While the Act has facilitated a decline in race-based housing segregation for middle-income Blacks, racial segregation by residence for those of low-income remains high and class-based segregation has been rising.5 Because people of color are disproportionately low-income, economic segregation achieves many of the same outcomes as explicit race-based exclusion.6
This Article considers how the Act’s aims have been impeded by drastic declines in the quantity and quality of available subsidized housing, the practice of tenant blacklisting, and exclusionary zoning. Those and other barriers exist as the need for affordable housing rises, with one in three Americans struggling to get by.7 Reclaiming the Act’s promise depends on the coalescing of diverse and varied alliances around the unifying premise that decent housing is a human right. We can and must arrive at a collective will to assure that no one is denied a safe place to call home and all are afforded the opportunity to reap the benefits of inclusion.
I. HISTORICAL AND THEORETICAL ANTECEDENTS: HOW GOVERNMENT CREATED AND ENFORCED HOUSING SEGREGATION
The Fair Housing Act hoped to cement into law the legacy of the civil rights movement and its calls for housing justice. Passed one week after the assassination of the Revered Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., the law represented a bipartisan consensus that, in the words of one of the Act’s drafters, “[s]omething had to be done—not just about America’s ugly history of housing discrimination but also about the divided system that had led the nation to this awful moment.”8 The law set about to right the wrongs of the racially explicit laws and policies that quite purposefully imposed segregation and determined where African Americans could live.9
Those laws are by no means historical relics. It is startling that for the first half of the twentieth century, less than two percent of housing was sold to minorities, and only one percent of housing was built in minority subdivisions.10 That figure is not a product of happenstance but instead is the result of deliberate laws and procedures. Indeed, “minority subdivisions” did not arise as a matter of choice or preference. They, like housing projects in “inner cities” (a euphemism for government-created ghettos), were built to assure that African Americans would live separately from whites.11
Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal and its National Housing Act of 193412 created a Federal Housing Administration (FHA) armed with discriminatory rules that quite overtly excluded Blacks from lending opportunities generously made available to whites. The FHA redlined maps to prescribe where Blacks could live.13 Those areas within the redlines, often quite literally “on the other side of the tracks,” were the run-down, isolated, and impoverished zones.
In response to the problems that its social engineering had wrought, in 1937 the government passed the U.S. Housing Act, the first federal legislation providing for low-income tenants.14 It intended to improve unsafe and unsanitary housing conditions in the “inner cities” and increase stocks of habitable housing for low-income families.15 That statute ordained even stricter racial segregation in housing16 and failed to achieve its stated purpose of increasing the quality and quantity of low-income housing. By the 1940s, waiting lists for Black-designated affordable units overflowed.17
Racial tensions reached a tipping point in the 1960s. The Civil Rights Movement erupted in the streets, forcing the nation to reckon with rallying cries for social justice and the end to separate and unequal. With the passage of the Fair Housing Act, housing discrimination became unlawful. The Act prohibited various racially discriminatory housing methods, such as refusing to rent or sell; refusing to negotiate; falsely denying the availability of housing; refusing to make a mortgage loan; and creating advertisements with limitations or preferences based on membership in a protected group.18 The term “discriminatory housing practices” was amended to include “acts of interference, coercion, and the intimidation or threatening” of those seeking to rent or buy.19
In his seminal account of how the government segregated America,20 Richard Rothstein observes that while one might deem the fifty years since the Act’s passage as time enough to undo the effects of government-backed segregation, “the public policies of yesterday still shape the racial landscape of today.”21 He concludes that “we shouldn’t have expected much to happen from a Fair Housing Act that allowed African Americans now to resettle in a white suburb.”22 Residential segregation is reinforced by the multi-generational replication of depressed incomes, the consistently vast differences in wealth and income between Blacks and whites,23 and the persistence of economic exclusionary development and zoning.24
II. BARRIERS TO ACHIEVING THE PROMISE OF THE FAIR HOUSING ACT
A. Dwindling and Deteriorating Stocks of Affordable Housing
In the five decades since the Fair Housing Act’s passage, stocks of subsidized affordable housing continue to be concentrated in the inner-cities’ most impoverished areas, thereby denying the promises of inclusion.25 Those stocks are depleted and deteriorating.26 Budget cuts have led over time to a drastic decline in both the quantity and quality of subsidized housing.27 The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), the federal agency charged with oversight of the Act and enforcement of its habitability standards, is understaffed.28 Meanwhile, HUD’s budget continues to be slashed.29
With allocations for affordable housing shrinking30 and the ranks of the poor growing,31 government housing assistance programs have been unable to keep up with demand.32 Two out of three renters with incomes below the poverty line do not receive any housing assistance.33 Proposed changes to the 2019 federal budget would result in further reductions to Section 8 subsidies and elimination of the $1.9 billion fund for public housing repairs.34
Across the country, over forty-seven million people, nearly half of them children, live in low-income families.35 An estimated 1.65 million U.S. households survive on just two dollars each day.36 The number of families facing eviction each year is overwhelming: there were nearly 900,000 eviction judgments nationwide in 2016, meaning that landlords were given the right to evict at least one in fifty renters.37 In New York City alone, over 450,000 evictions were filed between 2013 and 2015.38 By 2016, nearly 100 New York City households were evicted each day.39
Courts have become eviction factories. The severe consequences of eviction include illness, anxiety, employment and education disruption, and the attendant harms that result from the trauma of displacement.40 With the stakes so high, it is unconscionable that while upwards of ninety percent of landlords are represented by counsel, at least ninety percent of tenants are not.41 The very nature of summary proceedings allows for the swift displacement of tenants who fail to appear in court. Tenants who appear pro se typically suffer the same fate.42
Tenants who cannot afford to lose a day’s wages or secure child care will be unable to even appear pro se, thereby suffering default and prompt dispossession. Tenants who do appear without counsel are left to navigate the intimidating and often chaotic court processes on their own. Some tenants who manage to make it to court will suffer default simply because, amidst the cacophony of voices in the crowded courtroom during docket call, they were unable to hear their name being called. Meanwhile, in the hallways just outside the courtroom, counsel for landlords can seek out the tenant named in the given landlord’s eviction action and pressure or dupe that tenant into making unwarranted concessions and agreeing to unfair stipulations whose consequences escape the tenant until she enters the courtroom and is promptly evicted.43 In eviction proceedings, having a lawyer matters. By providing free legal representation to approximately 250,000 low-income tenants since 2014, New York City has lowered its eviction rate by nearly thirty percent.44
Some landlords in rapidly gentrifying neighborhoods, anxious to attract high-rent tenants, resort to intimidation tactics to drive out residents of rent-stabilized apartments by harassing them with dangerous and disruptive “renovations.”45 Those renovations permit noisy construction at all hours of the night that cut off water lines, gas lines, or heating.46 Affected tenants can find themselves exposed to dangerous toxins like asbestos, as well as rodents and vermin. By resorting to unsafe and/or unnecessarily disruptive renovations to constructively evict rent-stabalized tenants, landlords exploit loopholes that let them phase out of the rent-regulation system and into the open market.47
A package of eighteen bills is currently before the New York City Council and includes measures that would require the City to expand enforcement actions against bad faith landlords and require the Department of Buildings to deny permits for new construction to buildings with unresolved violations for hazardous conditions.48 The bills would also force the City to inspect renovations and construction to ensure that city codes are not violated, and would escalate penalties for landlords who submit false information about planned construction. City inspectors would also be granted access to these buildings, thus vastly increasing oversight.49
The harassment that tenants in rent-subsidized and rent-stabilized housing can face hastens the displacement of New York City residents from their homes—an ongoing crisis resulting in over 60,000 people living in city homeless shelters.50 Gentrification has many root causes, one of which is fraud promulgated by bad faith machinations that decrease affordable housing options.51
With affordable housing in short supply and long waitlists for federally-subsidized units, eviction can swiftly lead to homelessness.52 Housing affordability is a major problem as rental and purchase costs, particularly in major cities, continue to skyrocket.53 In countless metropolitan centers and towns across the country, housing is unaffordable to whole swaths of the population, including many who cannot afford to live near or even relatively close to their places of work.54 In the more expensive cities, rental rates have dropped for the richest while rates are rising for the poor.55 Wealth continues to grow for those in the highest economic strata,56 while wages for low-income workers have remained stagnant for nearly fifteen years.57 The poor and working class are left to forego other basic needs, including food, and medical and dental care, to pay their rents.58
The poor who live in public housing endure the effects of deterioration and neglect and too often find themselves living in run-down, dilapidated, and uninhabitable “fair housing.”59 It is estimated that upwards of 8.3 million low-income renters live in unsafe, overcrowded premises unfit for the most basic needs of human dwelling.60 Low-income tenants struggle with rodent and insect infestation, battle mold contamination, contend with faulty plumbing, and live with the fear of fires sparked by defective wiring and aging furnaces.61
Throughout the country, compelling and heartbreaking stories line the broken roads of public housing’s failures. In New York City alone, as of October 2018, it was reported that 35,000 public housing tenants were without heat or hot water.62 With winter fast approaching, the Legal Aid Society filed a class action lawsuit to compel housing authority compliance with essential habitability guarantees. That action is now pending.63
Meanwhile, the casualties of public housing dysfunction grow. Sisters Ibanez Ambrose, 2, and Scylee Ambrose, 1, lost their lives to severe burns incurred when the radiator in their apartment burst.64 Oliver Briscoe, 66, suffered debilitating spinal injuries when he slipped and fell in a puddle of water just outside his apartment door.65 The water accumulation was caused by a leak in the roof that he had complained to housing authorities about no fewer than thirty-five times.66
In September 2018, 700 of New York City’s public housing tenants submitted letters to the U.S. Attorney’s Office that detailed inhumane living conditions, unresolved work tickets, and decades of neglect.67 Those testimonials were considered in the $2.2 billion settlement between the U.S. Attorney’s Office and the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA), in which NYCHA took responsibility for filing false reports on lead paint testing, failing to provide adequate heat, failing to take mold removal and abatement measures, and failing to follow federal safety laws.68
Significantly, a federal judge rejected the settlement, highlighting the “breathtaking scope” of the squalid living conditions in NYCHA complexes.69 The judge criticized the city for mismanaging the agency and accused the federal government of abandoning its responsibility to overhaul New York City’s public housing, which is home to approximately 400,000 New Yorkers and is the largest public housing stock in the country. He suggested that the City and NYCHA might need to resort to creating public-private housing partnerships, privately developing unused NYCHA land, selling air rights, replacing NYCHA management, or breaking collective bargaining agreements.
In November 2018, Mayor Bill de Blasio announced that the City would move forward with public-private partnerships to repair 62,000 NYCHA apartments, which would remain permanently affordable and be converted to public housing units, with rent no higher than thirty percent of a tenant’s income.70 The following month, Mayor de Blasio unveiled a plan, NYCHA 2.0, to preserve public housing. The plan commits $24 billion to repair broken elevators, remove lead paint, remediate mold infestation, and replace defective heating systems.71 As part of the plan, NYCHA will launch three new programs: Build to Preserve, Transfer to Preserve, and Fix to Preserve.72 Build to Preserve will transform underutilized, publicly owned land into new public housing developments, dedicating 100 percent of the rent proceeds from those new developments toward repairs for surrounding, existing public housing developments.73 New developments will be subject to Mandatory Inclusionary Housing (MIH) standards to advance NYCHA 2.0’s goal of creating and preserving 300,000 units of affordable housing by 2026.74 Transfer to Preserve will generate approximately $1 billion in capital repairs by selling underutilized development rights.75 Fix to Preserve will improve infrastructure maintenance.76
Those innovations are promising and long overdue. It is a fundamental canon of landlord-tenant law that all leased residential premises must be fit for human dwelling.77 That assurance, known as the implied warranty of habitability, is essential to human dignity.78 It requires that all leased residential premises meet basic standards of fitness and suitability for dwelling. Its fundamental guarantees are betrayed when, for example, leased premises are without working plumbing or heat in the winter. Its promises are broken when tenants are faced with mold, roach or rodent infestation, broken pipes and leakages, lead poisoning, and other on-site infirmities.79
Across the country, tenants living in public housing (often referred to as Section 8 housing)80 recount a host of dire conditions that violate habitability standards.81 Those include the absence of heat and running water, defective plumbing, mold and rodent infestation, broken doors, damaged windows, and other structural infirmities.82 But lax enforcement and monitoring allow lessors to continue to receive federal and state affordable housing subsidies even for grossly unsound apartments, thereby providing little incentive for landlord remediation.83
Moreover, to even raise the habitability defense to rent nonpayment, some jurisdictions, including New Jersey, require that all rent alleged by the landlord to be owed first be deposited with the court.84 This demand is untenable. First, amounts claimed by the landlord to be due may not be accurate and certainly will not reflect the actual rental value of the premises if they are found to be as the tenant alleges. Second, tenants who have withheld rent (as is their right) because the landlord has failed to comply with habitability standards and who have dedicated (as is their right) all or part of the sums withheld to abatement of the on-site defects (by purchasing a space heater or hiring an exterminator, for example) will be denied the opportunity to even be heard on their habitability claim unless they can additionally post the entire amount alleged by the landlord to be due. Indeed, the rent posting requirement as a prerequisite to an aggrieved tenant’s right to be heard contributes to the startling fact that, of the 40,000 eviction actions filed in Essex County, New Jersey in one year alone, only eighty of those cases had tenants asserting breach of habitability as a defense to rent non-payment.85 That figure is remarkable in view of the dire and deteriorating conditions endured by tenants in public housing in Essex County’s impoverished inner cities, which include Newark, East Orange, and Irvington.86
The majority of states, including New York, have eliminated the rent posting requirement when a tenant asserts a habitability defense.87 Elimination of the requirement has not clogged the dockets.88 Nor has it sparked a rise in false habitability claims.89 New Jersey has now proposed legislation to remove the requirement that tenants first post rental amounts claimed by their landlord to be due in order to be heard on a habitability claim.90 That reform would promote opportunities for betrayals of habitability standards to be heard and then corrected. It provides protection for vulnerable tenants and helps to prevent abuse by landlords who are intent on profiting unjustly by continuing to collect federal and state housing subsidies and tenant rent for dilapidated and uninhabitable dwellings. Most essentially, it establishes safeguards that good faith landlords should welcome, and duties that bad faith landlords must not be permitted to evade.
B. Compounding the Harms: Tenant Blacklisting
A tenant faced with a landlord’s breach of the implied warranty of habitability is entitled by law to withhold or reduce rent pending a court’s determination of the premises’ fair rental value in view of its defects, deduct the costs of tenant-made repairs from future rent, report the landlord to housing code enforcement agencies, and/or sue the landlord for damages.91 But tenant blacklisting chills the exercise of these rights when aggrieved tenants decline to exercise them for fear of being evicted, losing their subsidized housing, and then, by virtue of the eviction action, being placed on a registry (the blacklist) that all but assures the denial of future affordable renting opportunities.92
Tenant blacklisting refers to the practice whereby tenants named in an eviction proceeding, regardless of outcome or context, find themselves on registries collected by “tenant reporting services.”93 Those tenant reports do not provide context or circumstances and do not even indicate whether the given tenant has prevailed in the matter at hand.94 Tenants are not given notice of their placement on the list or afforded the opportunity to supplement the record.95 Tenants appearing on the dreaded “list” are denied future renting opportunities, stigmatized, and excluded from the promise of fair housing.96
Some jurisdictions have endeavored to eradicate or hem the practice of tenant blacklisting. In 2017, U.S. Senator Cory Booker (D-N.J.) introduced legislation into Congress that would curb tenant screening practices by amending the Fair Credit Reporting Act.97 Such an amendment would exclude from tenant screening reports (1) any landlord-tenant court matter that did not result in a judgment of possession in favor of the landlord; and (2) all matters that are more than three years old.98 At the state level, New York, California, Minnesota, and Wisconsin are among the few jurisdictions to enact statutory reform measures aimed at assuring accuracy and fairness in reporting.99 In 2015, the New York City Council (Council) passed a bill to render a landlord’s rejection of a tenant’s rental application unlawful when that rejection is based solely on the candidate’s appearance on a list provided by a tenant screening service.100 In New Jersey, legislation to significantly reform the practice is now pending.101 Still, comprehensive reform is yet to be achieved.
C. “Not in My Backyard”—Economic Exclusion
A disproportionate number of people of color live at or below the poverty line.102 The Fair Housing Act prohibits racial discrimination,103 but not economic discrimination.104 While the Act has facilitated a way out of inner cities for middle-class Blacks, those of lower income have been left behind, and patterns of segregation for the poor persist.105 In the fifty years since the Act’s passage, it has fallen far short of its goals, as “[d]eep racial and economic segregation continues to dictate where Americans live.”106 The stark racial and economic divide lends itself readily to then–President Barack Obama’s observation that racial segregation mirrors itself in class segregation.107 Economic segregation is racial segregation.
U.S. public policy has long abided economic exclusion.108 As a result, social scientists like Robert Putnam describe how “class apartheid” became entrenched.109 In response, some have called for a “new Economic Fair Housing Act” to curb the ability of local governments to deny housing opportunities to those of low and moderate income.110
Economic exclusionary zoning gained a legal foothold when in 1917 the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed state and local governments’ police powers to first rank and then compartmentalize land uses into separate zones. That case, Village of Euclid, Ohio v. Ambler Realty Co.,111 deemed single-family homes the most desirable and “wholesome” use and, in explicitly classist language, described apartment buildings as “parasites” that could and should exist in zones separate and apart from the “wholesome.”112
Exclusionary zoning regulations create barriers to inclusion by imposing minimum lot size requirements, requiring aesthetic uniformity, and forbidding builders from developing apartment buildings or townhouses in certain areas, thereby assuring access only to those of certain financial means.113 Entrenched race-based class differences allow economic exclusion to continue “racial segregation’s ugly work.”114 Because people of color remain of disproportionately lower income than whites, the absence of affordable housing in more expensive cities and towns achieves many of the same results as explicit racial zoning.115 Economic exclusion assures that whole swaths of the working poor and middle class are unable even to live in convenient proximity to their places of work.116 Economic exclusion denies those of lesser means access to the quality of education, infrastructure, recreation, health care, food, and transportation available in more affluent areas.117
Where one lives matters. It affects the quality of a person’s life in countless and profound ways. The segregated poor have shorter life spans and suffer from far higher rates of cardiac disease, cancer, and substance abuse.118 Children of lesser means start school at a disadvantage—fewer than half of children born into poverty are ready for school at age five, compared to seventy-five percent of children from families with moderate and high incomes.119 Schools located in high-poverty neighborhoods fail their students,120 with lower standardized test scores and some of the most drastic teacher attrition and shortage challenges.121 Selective policing leads to higher incarceration rates, further contributing to poverty rates.122
The antidote to economic exclusionary zoning is inclusionary zoning. In the 1990s, HUD implemented, on a small scale, an experimental Moving to Opportunity for Fair Housing program123 aimed at assisting low-income residents with moving into higher income neighborhoods.124 The program was met with significant resistance driven primarily by concerns for the burdens that it would impose on municipalities.125 Others have opposed federally-imposed mandates for economic inclusion for fear that such directives will deplete reserves best allocated to restoring disadvantaged areas and replacing the most run-down affordable housing units everywhere.126
It may well be that realizing the aims of economic inclusion in housing are best achieved by state and local governments. Mount Laurel,127 New Jersey’s great social experiment, is instructive here. Over forty years ago, the New Jersey Supreme Court first tackled the issue of exclusionary zoning in what would become a series of seminal fair housing cases. In 1975, in South Burlington County NAACP v. Mount Laurel (Mount Laurel I),128 the state’s highest court ruled that, as a matter of state constitutional law,129 each developing municipality must provide its fair share of the overall regional need for low- and moderate-income housing.130
The Mount Laurel I ruling was heralded by some131 and decried by others.132 It wrought considerable study but little action.133 In response to widespread municipal noncompliance, the New Jersey Supreme Court upped the ante.134 In Mount Laurel II,135 decided eight years later, the court announced vigorous enforcement mechanisms to compel municipal compliance with the obligation to include affordable housing opportunities within financially-prohibitive cities and towns. The court appointed judges to monitor and enforce municipal compliance.136 Builders were armed with a “builder’s remedy” that provided an incentive for developers to sue non-compliant townships by awarding density bonuses to those who succeeded.137 Density bonuses allow developers to build, notwithstanding local caps on new developments, provided that they set aside a percentage of new construction for those of low and moderate income.138
To a certain extent, the court’s determination to “put some steel”139 into the Mount Laurel mandate worked. Shortly after Mount Laurel II was announced, New Jersey passed its Fair Housing Act.140 The law affirmed the court’s mandate and created an administrative agency, the Council on Affordable Housing (COAH), to enforce the requirement that developing municipalities provide their fair share of affordable housing.141 In Mount Laurel III, the court upheld that statute’s constitutionality.142
The Mount Laurel cases have resulted in the successful inclusionary construction of more than 60,000 affordable homes throughout the State,143 with more planned.144 Still, municipal resistance abounds145 and compliance with the mandate remains an uphill battle. Upwards of 150 of New Jersey’s more than 565 qualifying townships have yet to comply.146
In 2015, COAH was dismantled by a governor strenuously opposed to its very mission.147 With COAH gone, the judiciary re-entered the fray to assure vindication of the inclusionary housing requirement.148 In 2017, the state’s Supreme Court reaffirmed the duty imposed on economically homogeneous residential domains to add to stocks of low- and moderate-income housing within their borders and remediate deficiencies in existing stocks.149 Today, judges once again oversee local compliance.150
The “not in my backyard” or NIMBY syndrome is most often at the core of local efforts to block inclusive affordable housing.151 A significant part of residents’ resistance to inclusion is predicated on fear of “the other” and stereotypes about the poor and those of lesser means. Affordable housing is thought to bring increased crime, drugs, blight, higher taxes, and diminished property values.152 But compelling empirical studies reveal that those fears yield to fact, and that inclusion redounds to the benefit of all residents.153
In the town of Mount Laurel itself, the inclusion of low- and moderate-income housing has had no adverse effects on more affluent residents, and crime rates dropped while property values rose.154 Over time, families moving into Mount Laurel housing achieved higher incomes and lower rates of welfare dependency.155 Their children did well academically after having moved into more competitive schools.156
Other states have devised their own initiatives to enhance housing inclusion. Massachusetts adopted the Anti-Snob Zoning Act157 to “require that no less than ten percent of the housing stock within every city and town be subsidized with or by a federal or state subsidy.”158 Recently, the Massachusetts legislature amended the state’s zoning laws by creating a new starter home initiative for those with income levels at or below 100 percent of the given areas’ median income.159
California approves or denies land-use regulations according to the city or county’s general plan.160 A prospective ordinance is consistent with a general plan if it is compatible with the plan’s objectives.161 Those objectives require the provision of decent housing.162 The Sustainable and Affordable Housing Act163 was recently introduced in California to provide incentives for affordable housing construction that include awarding density bonuses to compliant developers.164
In 2017, New York City rolled out an Affordable Housing Plan. The plan uses inclusionary zoning regulations to require new residential developments to set aside a certain percentage of units for people of low and moderate income.165 It aims to assure the construction of 200,000 affordable units by 2022.
Throughout the country, “[l]ocal land use regulations [can] constrain new housing development and contribute to rising housing costs.”166 Federal measures have been introduced to relieve the significant diminution across the nation of stocks of affordable housing. The Housing, Opportunity, Mobility, and Equity (HOME) Act—introduced in the Senate in August 2018—would promote more inclusive zoning policies in an effort to make housing more affordable and less segregated.167 The law would mandate states, cities, and counties receiving funding under the federal Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) program to develop strategies to reduce barriers to inclusive housing development and increase the supply of housing.168 These initiatives could include allowing additional high density and multifamily zoning or amending lot size restrictions.169 The end goal is to ensure that affordable housing units do not comprise less than twenty percent of new housing stock.170 Another bill would require the federal government to give tax credits to renters who earn less than $100,000 per year and spend more than thirty percent of their income on rent.171
Still, resistance to housing inclusion persists.172 At bottom, achieving the aims of inclusive housing policies requires correctives to the misperceptions created about the poor. Too often, poverty is deemed a character defect. The thinking goes, if only “those people” had stronger work ethics, healthier habits, and better values, they would be able to “pull themselves up by the bootstraps.”173 But poverty is not a pathology and bootstraps do not pull people up. To conclude otherwise is to grossly misunderstand the complexities and array of intersecting factors that determine one’s economic status. Entrenched, multigenerational systems of impoverishment wrought by denied opportunity are difficult to escape. Notwithstanding even the best efforts of those who find themselves within the struggling ranks of the poor and working classes, widening chasms between the affluent and those scraping by continue to grow as upward mobility becomes more myth than fact.174
Inclusive housing redounds to the benefit of those in the lower economic strata with children,175 the disabled,176 seniors,177 veterans,178 millennials laden with tuition debt,179 and baby boomers (particularly women) facing retirement with exceedingly limited cash reserves.180 The construction of affordable housing creates jobs, adds tax revenue, and boosts local economies.181 Affordable housing subsidized by federal tax credits “raises property values and lowers crime.”182 The use of federal tax credits to build housing in otherwise economically homogeneous residential areas decreases racial segregation.183
Myths about affordable housing must be debunked, and the promise of inclusion can be taught. We are reaching a tipping point moment in this country. The consequences of “two Americas”—one for those of privilege and another for those without—are dire. Politics and economics are indivisible.184 Renowned economist Joseph Stiglitz notes persuasively that even one person one vote—“rather than one dollar one vote”—is threatened by economic inequality, and its survival depends on reforms unlikely to be enacted “within an economic system that is characterized by the degree of inequality that marks ours.”185
Michael Sandel observes that rising inequality means that those of means and those of little or modest means “lead increasingly separate lives. We live and work and shop and play in different places. Our children go to different schools. . . . It’s not good for democracy, nor is it a satisfying way to live.”186 He adds that while “[d]emocracy does not require perfect equality,” it does depend on people sharing “in a common life.”187 It is important to the work of connection and civic engagement that “people of different backgrounds and social positions . . . bump up against one another, in the course of everyday life. For this is how we learn to negotiate and abide our differences, and how we come to care for the common good.”188 Stated most succinctly, when we know better about “the other,” however conceived, we do better.
CONCLUSION
Fair, safe, and affordable housing is about much more than housing. It is about human dignity. It is about access to health care, wellness, quality education, transportation, career opportunity, security, longer life expectancy, and overall quality of life. It is about creating opportunities through inclusionary mechanisms for the sort of proximity that allows our innate capacity for empathy to build bridges to those whose stories and circumstances might be different from our own, so that we might come to see the thousand strands that connect our hopes, dreams, and disappointments. What we do for others we do for ourselves. What we do to others we do to ourselves.
People thrive when given a fair chance.189 The burdens of our own struggles and preoccupations do not relieve us of the responsibility to reach beyond our literal and metaphorical borders to answer the call of those who continue to be left out of the promise of decent and inclusive housing. It has been fifty years since the Fair Housing Act and its sponsors issued their clarion call to action, exhorting a weary nation to do better for those without a safe place to call home. That call resounds with just as much urgency today. It can and must be answered.